The Daily Dispatch: February 28, 1865., [Electronic resource]

Remarks of Mr. Collier, in the Virginia Senate.

‘ Mr. President: A discussion of the resolution might properly include the whole conduct of the Confederate civil administration and the operations of the army. The civil administration has been so signal a failure, and is so dead in the popular affection, that I shall forbear to drag the lifeless Hector around the walls of our Troy. The chief characteristic of that administration is, that it has separated the Government from the people, and has made a more vigorous and effective war on the resources of the country than it has made on the public enemy. I do not believe that such was the design of the men in authority. I do not doubt their patriotism or earnest desire to succeed. Such has been the effect of the public measures, to the deplorable extent seen in the well-known fact that in this agricultural country--one of the richest on earth — the production of provisions is so reduced that the public sentiment, most conspicuously, is a painful anxiety for continued subsistence. The atrocious sentiment expressed in the African Church by Hon. Judah P. Benjamin, that the people have no rights, and all belong to the Government, is the exact exponent of the administrative policy which has alienated the people from the Government. That other idea, expressed at the same time by President Davis, that Richmond might be captured and yet no remediless ill ensue to our cause, is another phosphorescent emanation from passionate imbecility which can float and flare only in the socket of a disordered imagination; and such delusive light ought to be put out. On the declared policy that we desired only to be let alone, and from fear of rousing the enemy. President Davis declined going to Washington when our army was flushed with victory and the enemy were routed. Afterwards, when the balances in the chances of war were hanging in equipoise, and a peace party, to all appearances, was gaining in the North, he went with his "offensive-defensive" into Maryland and Pennsylvania, and roused the enemy and united the North. When the people were lending all the labor of the country, and abstracting it from the production of tobacco and cotton to produce subsistence, a scheme of impressment to supply the army was inaugurated, which has annoyed, and irritated, and discouraged the producers, until they have been forced, most reluctantly, to discover that the Confederate authorities do actually believe that the community — unrewarded adequately for their labor, and not allowed subsistence for themselves,--will, nevertheless, continue to produce subsistence for the army. Space fails to tell one-tenth of the sad story of the loss of confidence by the people in the Administration. I have but one suggestion to make. I see no other way of escape. With a spirit as free as my heart is oppressed with sorrow, I will declare it boldly. It is that President Davis will resign his high trust (and Vice-President Stephens will follow the noble example, I am sure,) in order that the Administration may pass into — if not more competent — most probably a more successful direction of the public affairs.

’ Our military operations have elicited the admiration of the world. Our army has gathered to its flag extensive renown, and to the fields of its gallantry immortal glory. But that army cannot be sustained without a civil administration of wisdom as sagacious as comprehensive, and which shall display its enlarged and well-directed exertions with quickly-effective energy. We have nothing now left of any life to assure hope and kindle and keep expectation alive but that army. That army, courageous and unconquered, as it is, if supported adequately by the civil administration, as it might be, will find in the extent of our country an unfailing resource, affording all else that is requisite to give it a victorious career to a triumphant treaty of peace. That extent of country, if the civil administration can be got into competent hands, will be an invulnerable shield against any force the public enemy can bring against us to subjugate us. I will say no more. If what I have said shall have success whereunto it is addressed, we will win the great success of independence and self-government. If it fail, cloud and darkness will still hang about us; and how long, or how to be dispelled, I do not perceive.

The resolution, Mr. President, I ask the Senate to observe, does not necessarily embrace the resignations I suggest. The principal object of the resolution is to give prominence to the fact, and the contemplations resulting from it, that the extent of our country is a most powerful shield for our protection.