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that this power was lodged in congress might
be the means to prevent its ever being exercised, and the more readily induce obedience: indeed, if congress was unquestionably possessed of the power, nothing should induce the display of it but obstinate disobedience and the urgency of the general welfare.’
The course of business brought the subject imme-
diately into discussion in congress itself.
The confederation was but a month and a half old, when a committee presented a report drafted by
Madison, proposing by an amendment to the articles of confederation to give to the
United States full authority to employ their force, as well by sea as by land, to compel any delinquent state to fulfil its federal engagements; and the reason for the measure as assigned in the preamble was to cement and invigorate the federal union that it might be established on the most immutable basis.
From that day
Madison never ceased his efforts till a better system was established; but the most reflecting and far-seeing observers of the inadequacy of the powers allowed to congress dared not hope that its members would be able to remodel the confederacy.
In a pamphlet published in May, 1781, at the city in which they were assembled,
Pelatiah Webster, an able though not a conspicuous citizen, pointed out to them the necessity of their calling a continental convention for the express purpose of ascertaining, defining, enlarging, and limiting the duties and powers of their constitution.
The American people were bent on having a government, though their road to it lay through humiliation