Chap. V.} 1778. |
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be right.’1 After that surrender,2 he agreed that,
since ‘the substance of power was lost, the name of independence might be granted to the Americans.’
General Howe coupled his retirement from active service with the avowal that the disposable resources of his country could produce no decisive result.
‘Things go ill, and will not go better,’ wrote the chief of the new commission for establishing peace.
The successor of General Howe reported himself too weak to attempt the restoration of the king's authority.
Germain had no plan for the coming campaign but to lay the colonies waste.
The prime minister, who had been at the head of affairs from 1770, owned in anguish the failure of his system, and deplored its continuance.
Should the Americans ratify the French alliance, Lord Amherst, who was the guide of the ministry in the conduct of the war, recommended the evacuation of New York and Rhode Island and the employment of the troops against the French West Indies.
But the radical change of opinion was shown most clearly by the votes of parliament.
In February, 1774, the house of commons, in a moment of unrestrained passion; adopted measures for enforcing the traditional absolutism of parliament by majorities of three to one: corresponding majorities in February, 1778, reversed its judgment, repealed the punitive
1 Edward Gibbon to J. Holroyd, 13 Aug., 1777.
2 In 1847 the Archbishop of York, whose memory went back to those days, and who was with Thomas Grenville in Paris in 1782, told me, that after the affair of Bunker Hill very many persons, after the surrender of Burgoyne almost every one, gave up the expectation that England would be able to enforce the dependence of the colonies.
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