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[141] aristocracy of wealth, had to sustain itself between
Chap XIII}
the people on one side, and the monarch on the other. The ‘nobility’ was, in his view, the ‘rock’ of ‘English principles;’1 the power of the peerage, and of arbitrary monarchy, were ‘as two buckets, of which one goes down exactly as the other goes up.’2 In the people of England, as the depository of power and freedom, Shaftesbury had no confidence; his system protected wealth and privilege; and he desired to deposit the conservative principles of society in the exclusive custody of the favored classes. Cromwell had proposed, and Vane had advocated, a reform in parliament; Shaftesbury hardly showed a disposition to diminish the influence of the nobility over the lower house.3

Such were the political principles of Shaftesbury; and his personal character was analogous. He loved wealth without being a slave to avarice; and, though he would have made no scruple of ‘robbing the devil or the altar,’4 he would not pervert the course of judgment, or be bribed into the abandonment of his convictions.5 If, as lord chancellor, he sometimes received a present, his judgment was never suspected of a bias. Quick to discern the right, and careless of precedents, usages, and bar-rules, he was prompt to render an equitable decision. Every body applauded but the lawyers; they censured the contempt of ancient forms; the diminished weight of authority, and the neglect of legal erudition; the historians, the

1 ‘A Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend in the Country,’ in Locke, x. 226, 242.

2 Pepys, i. 219.

3 ‘As to making Shaftesbury a friend to our ideas of liberty, it is impossible, at least in my opinion. Yet he is very far from being the devil he is described.’ C. J. Fox See introduction to Fox's History of James II. p. 50.

4 Pepys, i. 366.

5 Evelyn, II. 361, asserts positively that Shaftesbury did not advise the king to invade the exchequer. Lingard is severe in his judgment.

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