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[136] them; although he was certain that this very moderation would be an argument in Johnson's favor.

Nevertheless, when he thought it his duty to take an important step, he did not hesitate. At the crisis of the trial it became evident that some of the Republican Senators were uncertain as to their judgment or their course, and Grant was urged to use his influence with them. The Senators were judges, it is true, but this was a political trial, and Grant believed that he had a right to support the weak and confirm the strong in so grave an emergency. He not only conversed with those whose action he thought he could affect, arguing in favor of the conviction of Johnson and demonstrating his guilt, but he visited at least one Senator at his house with this purpose. This was Mr. Frelinghuysen. Grant told me of his intention before he paid the visit, and returned greatly gratified, for though Frelinghuysen had not disclosed his intention he had said enough to assure Grant of his views. Two or three days afterward Frelinghuysen voted in favor of conviction.

The day before the verdict was rendered a remarkable scene occurred at Grant's headquarters. Benjamin F. Wade, the presiding officer of the Senate, would in case of the deposition of Johnson immediately become President. Naturally he was considering this possibility. He was an ardent Republican, and a friend and supporter of General Grant. He came to Grant's office while I was present and said: ‘General, I am here to consult with you about my Cabinet, in case Mr. Johnson is found guilty.’ I was allowed to remain during the interview. Mr. Wade then went on to say that as Grant was the candidate of the Republican party and would undoubtedly be elected, he wished to make no temporary appointments that would be unacceptable to his probable successor. Grant listened attentively but offered no suggestions of his own. The matter was profoundly delicate, and yet it was not improper for these two men, who

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