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of State.
Motley had been Minister at Vienna, but was removed by Johnson for criticising the Reconstruction policy of the Administration too sharply, and great sympathy was felt for him by Republicans.
Sumner, especially, was anxious that he should be restored to the post he had lost.
Motley corresponded with me during the canvass, and sent me copies of the speeches he made for Grant.
These were shown to Grant, and they impressed him favorably.
But soon after the election, Grant visited Boston, where Motley called on him. I did not accompany my chief on this occasion, and on his return I asked his opinion of Motley.
‘He parts his hair in the middle and carries a single eyeglass,’ was the reply; and the tone, as much as the words, indicated that the historian was too foreign in his ways to please the President-elect.
At that time, Grant had not entirely rid himself of the narrowness of his early life, some of which, indeed, lasted even through his Presidency; but after he went abroad and met so many great men in Europe and Asia, and even Africa, with dress and manners different from anything he had seen in America, he ceased to regard such peculiarities as decisive.
No man ever grew or expanded in mind and taste and character more continuously and conspicuously.
During the winter of 1868-9, Seward, as Secretary of State, attempted to settle the difficulties with England arising out of the Alabama claims.
As the new Administration was just coming into power, the Republicans were very indignant that a discredited Cabinet should assume to control the policy of the nation in so important an affair.
But Seward persisted, and a treaty was negotiated at London which was extremely unacceptable to the Republicans, and, indeed, to the majority of the nation, of whatever party.
Grant was especially displeased, and expressed his feeling openly.
He disliked Seward, to whom he attributed not a little of Johnson's craft, and he thought the negotiation an
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